Friday, December 01, 2006

World AIDS Day

 On World AIDS Day, Democrats should start to reverse Bush's deadly AIDS policies.
 
 


Bush's Other Losing War: AIDS

 

Doug Ireland

 
 
Doug Ireland, a veteran political journalist, can be reached through his blog, DIRELAND, at http://direland.typepad.com/direland/.
Today is World AIDS Day—and it's sad to have to report that, thanks in part to George W. Bush and the Republicans, we are losing the fight against the pandemic. And it's time for the Democrats to repair some of the damage.
The world has failed miserably to meet the goals for AIDS prevention education set in 2001 by the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on HIV-AIDS. For example, the U.N. said then that, by 2005, 90 percent of young people were supposed to know how to prevent AIDS—yet, today, the latest U.N. figures show that only 20 percent of young women in the world, and only 30 percent of young men, know how to stop the spread of HIV.
That lethal situation is one direct result of Republican legislative earmarks and Bush policy restrictions that are shifting funds away from science-based sex education to "abstinence-only" sex-ed programs. A March 2006 Government Accountability Office report showed that restrictions on AIDS prevention funding in the original legislation for the President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief—restrictions imposed by the Republicans at the demand of the anti-condom Christian Right—were undermining AIDS education and prevention.
Take the example of Uganda, where some 32 million quality-approved condoms remain impounded in government warehouses while the U.S. government ramps up financing for abstinence-only approaches to HIV prevention. Religious groups, to whom U.S. AIDS-fighting money has been ladled out as political patronage, are undermining confidence in condoms throughout the country and contributing to misinformation about their effectiveness. The Republican-imposed restrictions on awarding AIDS-fighting dollars are also affecting other countries hard-hit by the AIDS epidemic, such as Nigeria, South Africa and Zambia. The failed fantasy of abstinence-only sex-ed has helped make sub-Saharan Africa—where two-thirds of the world's AIDS cases occur—a killing field.
If the new Democratic majority in Congress has any spine or any compassion, it will begin to roll back these anti-science, religiously-inspired Republican restrictions by passing Democratic Congresswoman Barbara Lee's PATHWAY Act (that stands for Protection Against Transmission of HIV for Women And Youth) when she reintroduces it in January. Lee's bill would strike the PEPFAR earmark requiring that 33 percent of all HIV prevention funding be spent on teaching abstinence-until-marriage as the sole sex education program. And her bill would ensure that all those who are sexually active are taught how to practice safe sex—and that includes using condoms.
Another critical problem: The G8 summit meeting in 2005 set a goal of universal access to treatment for AIDS by 2010. Yet the world is woefully far from achieving that goal—again, thanks to the Bush administration, which, behind closed doors, has been sabotaging the ability of the world's poorest countries to produce or buy cheap, generic AIDS medications.
Here's the background: In November 2001, after a long fight against the monopolization of AIDS-drug production by Big Pharma, officials at a World Trade Organization meeting in Doha, Qatar, agreed that poor countries should have the right to break the multinational drug companies' patent monopoly if they declared a national AIDS emergency. The U.S. was among the 142 countries signing this breakthrough agreement, under which poor countries could make their own AIDS medications cheaply or buy generic versions from a producing country (like India), thus bypassing Big Pharma.
This was a huge victory, won after years of struggle by AIDS and non-governmental public health advocacy organizations around the world. The Doha Declaration began to save thousands of lives, by getting cheap, life-prolonging meds into the hands of HIV-positive people in poorer nations. But the Bush administration has been morbidly blackmailing poor countries into forfeiting their production rights under that Doha treaty if they want so-called "free trade agreements" with the U.S. Either the poor countries refuse to knuckle under and scuttle these bilateral and regional trade deals—worth billions—with Washington, or they accept the deals and raise the price of AIDS medicines beyond the reach of the poor.
This unconscionable blackmail has made many countries, including six in Latin America, cede their rights to break the Big Pharma AIDS drug monopoly.
The Bush administration has been using its big stick to try to impose these pro-Big Pharma free trade agreements on a raft of poor countries hard hit by AIDS, from Thailand to five sub-Saharan African countries, including Botswana and South Africa. Any country that signs on to the Bush administration's arm-breaking trade deals that sabotage the Doha agreement is condemning millions who need the essential AIDS-fighting drugs, but cannot afford them, to death.
Bush and his cronies "began this trade blackmail in 2002, after a group of the largest pharmaceutical companies—headed by Pfizer CEO Hank McKinnell—raised $30 million for the Republicans' congressional campaigns that year," says Jamie Love, director of the Consumer Project on Technology, the international point man in winning the patent-breaking Doha agreement and an unsung hero in the fight for cheap AIDS meds. The effect of these deals, Love says, is to force poor countries into enacting "superpatents" that prolong U.S. drugmakers' monopolies and sharply limit the conditions under which their AIDS patents can be broken.
Though millions of lives are at stake in these sordid and lethal trade deals, so far the Democrats have been silent about them, leaving the Bush administration free to negotiate these murderous agreements at economic gunpoint with little media notice.
If the new Democratic congressional majority wants to show it is really serious about the global AIDS fight, and really wants the U.S. to live up to the goals of universal treatment access Washington agreed to at the G8 summit, it should hold vocal public hearings come January on these odiferous free trade agreements and ban their lethal pro-Big Pharma restrictions. That would allow poor countries to make or buy their own life-extending AIDS drugs and get them into the hands of those who so desperately need them.
If the Democrats make these two things happen, perhaps on World AIDS Day next year we'll have something to celebrate instead of millions more to mourn.
http://www.tompaine.com/print/bushs_other_losing_war_aids.php

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Civil War

Civil War and Civil Language: Word Choice and the Newsroom
 
 
What a scholar of journalism, wants us to think.
 


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World AIDS Day

 





Now that an estimated 40 million people are living with HIV worldwide, the AIDS epidemic has surpassed even the most dire predictions made by experts when the virus first surfaced 25 years ago.
AIDS has killed more than 25 million people, and the United Nations reports that somebody in the world is newly infected with HIV every 8 seconds. Many other numbers are just as grim as the globe prepares to mark World AIDS Day this Friday, December 1.
Since its inception in 1988, World AIDS Day has strived to raise awareness of the realities of the virus, which is spreading widely through sub-Saharan Africa, Eastern Europe and East Africa at the same time as new drug cocktails have served to push back the disease in the affluent parts of what we used to call the "First World."
How to help?
*Participate in a World AIDS Day event or action this Friday.
* Sign The Pledge The End AIDS Now pledge campaign
*Help save a child's life in an AIDS-affected community by becoming a HopeChild sponsor through WorldVision. (All it takes is one dollar a day.)
*Help build support for the AIDS Cure Act.
*Help support the Global Access Project's call to urge the US government to lead a global health workforce initiative in AIDS ravaged countries.
*Volunteer with the Community HIV/AIDS Mobilization Project (CHAMP), one of the country's most effective grassroots groups working to ensure the development of a broad and effective range of HIV

prevention options in the next decade.

*Download the Free Treatment for All manifesto and add your name to the campaign.
*Show your symbolic support by wearing a red ribbon on World AIDS Day and putting a virtual red ribbon on your site or blog.


Finally, talk to people. Since HIV was first identified a quarter of a century ago, it has been a stigmatized disease, resulting in silence and denial. Talking openly about HIV to your friends, family, colleagues and neighbors is the most powerful way of ending prejudice.

Thursday, November 30, 2006

World AIDS Day

Now that an estimated 40 million people are living with HIV worldwide, the AIDS epidemic has surpassed even the most dire predictions made by experts when the virus first surfaced 25 years ago.
AIDS has killed more than 25 million people, and the United Nations reports that somebody in the world is newly infected with HIV every 8 seconds. Many other numbers are just as grim as the globe prepares to mark World AIDS Day this Friday, December 1.
Since its inception in 1988, World AIDS Day has strived to raise awareness of the realities of the virus, which is spreading widely through sub-Saharan Africa, Eastern Europe and East Africa at the same time as new drug cocktails have served to push back the disease in the affluent parts of what we used to call the "First World."
How to help?
*Participate in a World AIDS Day event or action this Friday.
*Help save a child's life in an AIDS-affected community by becoming a HopeChild sponsor through WorldVision. (All it takes is one dollar a day.)
*Help build support for the AIDS Cure Act.
*Help support the Global Access Project's call to urge the US government to lead a global health workforce initiative in AIDS ravaged countries.
*Volunteer with the Community HIV/AIDS Mobilization Project (CHAMP), one of the country's most effective grassroots groups working to ensure the development of a broad and effective range of HIV prevention options in the next decade.
*Download the Free Treatment for All manifesto and add your name to the campaign.
*Show your symbolic support by wearing a red ribbon on World AIDS Day and putting a virtual red ribbon on your site or blog.
 
 
Finally, talk to people. Since HIV was first identified a quarter of a century ago, it has been a stigmatized disease, resulting in silence and denial. Talking openly about HIV to your friends, family, colleagues and neighbors is the most powerful way of ending prejudice.


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Monday, November 27, 2006

Web Sites Topped TV On Election Night

PEJ: Web Sites Topped TV On Election Night 2006

By E&P Staff and The Associated Press



NEW YORK Election night 2006 will go into history books as a triumph for Democrats and rebuke to President Bush. It was a watershed evening for the news media, too.

The first smoothly run election night of the Internet era left many news organizations unsure of where they stood and should prompt some rethinking in time for 2008, according to a detailed new report by the Project for Excellence in Journalism, to be released Monday.

The journalism think tank monitored several forms of media that night and concluded the best place to follow the story was on Web sites run by television networks -- as opposed to the networks themselves. This included political blogs ranging from DailyKos to Drudge.

Because of the richly detailed Web sites, fed by both results and exit poll data gathered by the networks and The Associated Press, Internet browsers frequently were more up-to-date than the anchors and pundits on the air, said Tom Rosenstiel, the project's director.

The network Web sites did so well this year presumably because they are run by news organizations accustomed to getting information out quickly, the project's report said.

And, said Rosentiel, "It may not be very long before we say, `Maybe I don't even need to have the television on.'"

By contrast, his think tank was less impressed by aggregators such as Google Inc., Time Warner Inc.'s AOL and Yahoo Inc. Except for Yahoo, they lacked the judgment of human editors to avoid conflicting or confusing information getting out.

Newspaper Web sites also appear to be in transition, he said. They have a strong tradition of narrative storytelling that isn't necessarily suited to the pace of election night, he said. (See excerpts from the report on several newspaper sites below.)

CNN held a party election night for some of the Web's most prominent bloggers. Good thing, because mingling and socializing was about all they really had to do. The bloggers serve best as sentinels when things are going wrong, and nothing much went wrong that night, Rosenstiel said.

For the news organizations, though, the best part of this year's election was avoiding the embarrassment of blown calls or faulty exit poll results.

"That's good," Wheatley said, "because it really was a dry run for 2008."

CNN, Fox News Channel and MSNBC offered wall-to-wall coverage on TV that night. To a large extent, the networks-- particularly CNN -- see elections as an opportunity to show off their biggest names, but the slow pace of results this year frequently left them with little to say or do, Rosenstiel said.

"Showcasing talent may not always be the best way of telling the story," he said.

The cable networks should spend less time on pointless talk and more time with reporters, and could even supplement coverage during quieter times with prepared reports on the personalities and issues, he said.

"If they wanted to tell the story of the election rather than put on a live television show, they could have had a much richer profile," he said.

Wheatley wonders whether all networks might soon entice people by video streaming coverage online, on the same site where viewers would also be able to search for results that interest them.

The section of the PEJ report on newspaper sites is excerpted below. The full report can be found on Monday at www.journalism.org.

**

For a generation of election nights, the nation’s newspapers have been relegated to an afterthought. While they might have promised depth and analysis, in reality, it was often less clear what the papers the next day offered that political junkies who had watched well into the night had not already learned.

The Internet offers the potential to turn that upside down. Whatever advantage might be promised in the supposed thoroughness, precision, sophistication and turn-of-phrase
offered by the culture of newspapers and the nature of the edited written word could now be delivered to audiences in real time. Newspapers could compete directly with
television. How did newspaper Web site fare?

After monitoring several sites, one has the sense of a medium in process, still finding itself. Several questions still need to be answered.

It is unclear whether newspapers are comfortable trying to combine giving readers news instantly while providing the depth and nuance for which they are famous. How much
should a newspaper Web site concern itself with breaking news, versus interpreting it, since the two tasks are often at odds when time and resources are limited? One option
would be incorporating real-time news from other sources, such as wire services.

But what is a newspaper site to do if those other sources contradict each other? How much should the secondhand sources be segregated from the newspaper’s original information on the site, or integrated? Do the standards of accuracy that the newspaper promises the next morning hold in the faster environment online? For the biggest sites, such as the Washington Post or The New York Times, how much should they emphasize national versus local if they are directly competing with the broadcast and cable sites that have no hometown?

The answers were not settled in 2006. The questions simply became easier to identify.

To get a sense of this, we monitored four different newspaper Web sites: those of two national papers—the NYTimes.com and the Washingtonpost.com, the largest West Coast paper—the LA times.com, and one that was in the home of a key Senate race—the Virginian Pilot.
*

The report then continues with in-depth looks at how the four sites fared. Its section on The New York Times online, for example, concludes: "Overall, the Times’ Web site offered users a wealth of original content, and some
combination of depth and speed. But in trying to be speedy its potential depth may have been undermined. One senses that trying to walk the line between being an “election night live” site and a newsroom organization that tries to understand and explain, is a divided task that will take some sorting out."

Thursday, November 23, 2006

Blogging In The News

Choosing Who Can See What on Your
Blog



Blogs have a place in many of our everyday lives, even if we
aren't bloggers ourselves. The word blog, short for Web log, is used to describe
personal Web sites that are frequently updated with entries for sharing with
others. They can range from your son's personal blog about baseball statistics
to a well-read and more polished political blog that gets tens of thousands of
hits each day.


A big problem with blogs is privacy. While some people --
especially MySpace fans -- don't mind posting personal news, photos and videos
for anyone to read, many of us hesitate to leave details about our personal
lives online.


This week, we tested a new, free blogging service called Vox, www.vox.com,
from Six Apart Ltd., a blogging software company. One of Vox's best attributes
is its ability to label each individual post, or entry, with a different privacy
filter, so that instead of setting your blog to be entirely private or entirely
public, you can pick and choose what you want to share.


Vox also excels at making it easy to add photos, audio, videos
and book links to your blog without any prior expertise. It lets you incorporate
content from Web sites like YouTube, Amazon and photo-sharing site Flickr in
only a couple of steps. Viewing of each multimedia element can also be
restricted to people you choose. Vox is supported by ads that aren't intrusive
or distracting.


We each made a blog in Vox, and updated them several times. We
found the process to be quick and simple, and the results to be attractive. We
liked the privacy features. But while its intentions are good, Vox has a few
downsides. Its idea of making each blog post visible to different groups is
useful. But everyone who views your privacy-protected entries must also be
registered with Vox, a quick process, but one that will discourage many
potential users.











[Photo]
One example of a Vox blog.

Also puzzling are Vox's categories for labeling those who view
your blog. Everyone must be labeled as friends, family or neighbors, but the
filters that determine who can view your posts don't include neighbors at all.


Vox also doesn't do a great job of implementing many features
that are standard in blog services. These features include interactive elements
on a page such as drag-and-drop organizing.


We got started by signing up for Vox -- a process that involved
entering our email address, creating a password and URL, and entering personal
information. A Design section walked us through choosing a layout and theme from
numerous choices. Katie chose the Cityscape Washington, D.C., theme, which
includes the Capitol and Washington Monument. Walt chose Firefly Night, which
includes the moon and stars and a silhouette of a tree.


To prompt you to blog, the Vox homepage always offers a
Question of the Day, or QOTD. With one click, you can optionally answer the QOTD
in your own blog. When you post your answer, or enter any post, a drop-down menu
lets you choose who can view it: The World (Public), Your Friends and Family,
Your Friends, Your Family or Just You. If, for example, you choose to allow only
your friends to see a post, other groups won't know that they're not seeing the
friends-only post.


If you see another person's Vox blog and would like to bookmark
it so that his or her latest entries are constantly updated on a special page
just for you, you can add that blogger to your neighborhood. Friends and family
are automatically part of your neighborhood, but when choosing who can see your
content, neighborhood isn't an option. Vox plans to make the neighborhood
concept more understandable in an updated version due out by December.











[Combo]
Each individual post can be made viewable by
certain people to provide privacy.

We first posted some simple text entries. Then in the Compose
section, we chose from five colorful icons labeled Photos, Audio, Videos, Books
and Collections. Selecting each icon let us load content from our computer or
from a Web site with that type of content.


In Videos Katie selected a YouTube tab, entered a search word
and found a favorite scene from the TV show "Grey's Anatomy." She
selected a thumbnail image of the scene, hit OK, and the scene loaded onto her
blog moments later. No formatting or HTML code is necessary, a requirement that
used to plague many blogging services.


As we became comfortable using Vox and its privacy options, we
started posting lots of things: vacation photos, a country music audio file to
play along with a post about two-stepping and even Amazon links to our favorite
books. And unless your post or profile is public, nothing can be retrieved using
the Vox search feature.


We found a few hiccups, but mostly forgot about the geeky side
of blogging and enjoyed sharing our digital media. And the idea that no one else
would randomly browse across our content was a comfort. But that poses another
problem: Not everyone will want to register with Vox just to see your protected
content. Vox hopes to offer a way to register others so that your grandmother
will be able to see your family photos online just by entering a username and
password.


Back on the home page of Vox, a section called VoxWatch let us
quickly see any recent activity from our neighbors or ourselves. Recently posted
digital photos, recent comments and recent posts from everyone in our
neighborhood were grouped here.


A helpful Organize section divvies all of your content up into
its proper section: Photos, Books, Audio, Videos, Posts and Comments. This
section let us quickly find a comment that we wanted to reread but didn't feel
like finding on our blog, and it helped us get a better idea of everything that
existed on our blog -- a boon as you add more and more content. This section
also displays the names of those in your Neighborhood, as well as Friends and
Family.


Vox does a nice job of jazzing up the world of blogging. Its
designs are attractive, but it really shines when loading media onto your posts,
making your blog richer in content and more sophisticated in looks. Updates will
continue to be released, improving Vox's weaknesses, the most important of which
is clarifying its group labels. Vox also plans to offer to import your content
from other blogging sites, encouraging experienced users to bring their last
blog along with them instead of leaving it with the old service.


Email: MossbergSolution@wsj.com

Thursday, November 16, 2006

Gay Adoption in the Animal world?

Homosexual Animals Out of the Closet
 
Sara Goudarzi
LiveScience Staff Writer
 
 
From male killer whales that ride the dorsal fin of another male to female bonobos that rub their genitals together, the animal kingdom tolerates all kinds of lifestyles.
A first-ever museum display, "Against Nature?,"  which opened last month at the University of Oslo's Natural History Museum in Norway, presents 51 species of animals exhibiting homosexuality.
"Homosexuality has been observed in more than 1,500 species, and the phenomenon has been well described for 500 of them," said Petter Bockman, project coordinator of the exhibition.
The idea, however, is rarely discussed in the scientific community and is often dismissed as unnatural because it doesn't appear to benefit the larger cause of species continuation.
"I think to some extent people don't think it's important because we went through all this time period in sociobiology where everything had to be tied to reproduction and reproductive success," said Linda Wolfe, who heads the Department of Anthropology at East Carolina University. "If it doesn't have [something to do] with reproduction it's not important."
For pleasure
However, species continuation may not always be the ultimate goal, as many animals, including humans, engage in sexual activities more than is necessary for reproduction. 
"You can make up all kinds of stories: Oh it's for dominance, it's for this, it's for that, but when it comes down to the bottom I think it's just for sexual pleasure," Wolfe told LiveScience.
Conversely, some argue that homosexual sex could have a bigger natural cause than just pure ecstasy: namely evolutionary benefits.
Copulation could be used for alliance and protection among animals of the same sex. In situations when a species is mostly bisexual, homosexual relationships allow an animal to join a pack.
"In bonobos for instance, strict heterosexual individuals would not be able to make friends in the flock and thus never be able to breed," Bockman told LiveScience. "In some bird species that bond for life, homosexual pairs raise young. If they are females, a male may fertilize their eggs. If they are males, a solitary female may mate with them and deposit her eggs in their nest."
Mom and Dad and Dad
Almost a quarter of black swan families are parented by homosexual couples. Male couples sometimes mate with a female just to have a baby. Once she lays the egg, they chase her away, hatch the egg, and raise a family on their own.
"Homosexuality" and "heterosexuality" are terms defined by societal boundaries, invisible in the animal kingdom.
"Many species are hermaphrodites," Bockman said. Hermaphrodites have both male and female sex organs. A lot of marine species have no sex life at all, but just squirt their eggs or semen into sea.
Some creatures even reproduce asexually, by dividing themselves into two organisms. In one species of gecko, females clone themselves.
Like most complex issues, animal homosexuality is challenging and poorly understood. Therefore, educators tend to shy away from covering it in their teaching. Many scientists don't even want to be associated with this type of research.
"I've had primatologists offer to give me their data on homosexual behavior because they didn't want to publish it," Wolfe said.
"Against Nature?" was set up partly to demystify the concept. 
The argument that a homosexual way of living cannot be accepted because it is against the "laws of nature" can now be rejected scientifically, said Geir Soli, project leader for the exhibition. "A main target for this project was to get museums involved in current debate; to show that museums are more than just a gallery for the past."
To learn more, see LiveScience's Top 10 presentation, Gay Animals: Alternate Lifestyles in the Wild.
 
Other Really Wild Stories
Spider Cries Out While Mating The Painful Realities of Hyena Sex Salmon of Small Stature Endowed with Mating Advantage Well-fed Crickets Seek Sex Incessantly, Die Young Mystery of Empty Chicken Sex Solved Smart Bats Have Smaller Testicles Original Story: Homosexual Animals Out of the Closet
 
Visit LiveScience.com for more daily news, views and scientific inquiry with an original, provocative point of view. LiveScience reports amazing, real world breakthroughs, made simple and stimulating for people on the go. Check out our collection of Science, Animal and Dinosaur Pictures, Science Videos, Hot Topics, Trivia, Top 10s, Voting, Amazing Images, Reader Favorites, and more. Get cool gadgets at the new LiveScience Store, sign up for our free daily email newsletter and check out our RSS feeds today!


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Tuesday, November 14, 2006

Why Steny hoyer Should Drop out

 
Why Steny Hoyer Should Drop out of the Race With John Murtha:
 
 
 
Sure we could use a antagonist, but in about four years, today we need to show unity and team work, Steny is not a team player.   


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Monday, November 13, 2006

A tale of two covers

A tale of two covers: Time's '94 postelection cover touted "G.O.P. Stampede," '06 cover asserts "the center is the new place to be"
The November 21, 1994, edition of Time magazine -- published following that year's congressional elections, in which Republicans gained control of the House of Representatives and the Senate -- featured the headline "G.O.P. Stampede: A Special Report" on the cover, and featured a graphic of an elephant trampling a donkey.
Time Cover 1994
The November 20 edition of Time -- published following the 2006 congressional elections, in which Democrats gained control of the House of Representatives and the Senate -- features the headline "Special Report: The Midterms," and features as the cover story "Why the center is the new place to be," by columnist Joe Klein, with a graphic of a Venn diagram.
Time Cover 2006
Contact:
Time Magazine
E-mail: letters@time.com


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Thursday, November 09, 2006

Morning-After

Pundits Take Winners to Task

Victorious Dems lectured by media establishment

On the day after Election Day 2006, pundits
from major U.S. news outlets had, as one would expect, substantial amounts of
political criticism for the party that faced major losses. What is more
remarkable is the amount of criticism and caution directed at the party that won
major gains.



Virtually unanimously, the political commentators providing the initial analyses
of the election for the nation's most influential news outlets downplayed the
progressive aspects of the victory, characterizing the large new crop of
Democrats as overwhelmingly centrist or even conservative. "These Democrats
that were elected last night are conservative Democrats," declared CBS
News chief Washington correspondent Bob Schieffer (Early Show, 11/8/06). CNN's
Andrea Koppel (American Morning, 11/8/06)
referred to the "new batch of moderate and conservative Democrats just
elected who will force their party to shift towards the center."



"This is not a majority made from cookie-cutter liberals," wrote
Eleanor Clift for Newsweek online (11/8/06).
"Some are pro-life, some pro-gun, some sound so Republican they might be in
the other party if it weren't for President Bush and the Iraq War." This
echoed the thoughts of Fox News' Carl Cameron,
who found among victorious Democrats "many pro lifers, a lot of second
amendment supporters, those who oppose gay marriage and support bans on flag
burning. Things of this nature."



Not that many were "pro-life," actually; NARAL
(11/8/06) counted 20 pro-choice votes among the 28 announced House newcomers.
Does anyone think that incoming class is going to make a Democratic-controlled
house less likely to block new abortion restrictions? And gun control (for
better or worse) hasn't been a serious Democratic priority for more than a
decade. One ideological stance that was actually widespread among the incoming
Democrats, and one that is actually likely to alter Democratic Party priorities,
is an opposition to NAFTA-style trade agreements and an embrace of "fair
trade" principles (Public Citizen,
11/8/06)--but this key trend was little noted by the morning-after pundits,
presumably because such views are considered akin to a belief in leprechauns by
the media establishment (Extra!, 7-8/01). One
exception was the Los Angeles Times editorial
page, which did take notice--and alarm: "Democrats who wooed anxious voters
with sermons about the evils of outsourcing will be reluctant to support freer
trade," the paper editorialized (11/8/06), deeming this development
"bad for the country."



In the Washington Post (11/8/06), Peter Baker
and Jim VandeHei stressed that "party politics will be shaped by the
resurgence of 'Blue Dog' Democrats, who come mainly from the South and from
rural districts in the Midwest and often vote like Republicans. Top Democrats
such as Rep. Rahm Emanuel (Ill.) see these middle-of-the-road lawmakers as the
future of the party in a nation that leans slightly right of center."



It's not surprising that Emanuel would see the world that way, since he's a
centrist himself who has long been trying to push the Democrats to the right.
But the "Blue Dogs" are far from a majority in the new crop of
Representatives (nine, according to the Arkansas
Democrat Gazette
, 11/9/06), or in the Democrat's total ranks (44), so
their influence on the party as a whole will be far from overpowering.



What's more, even those "Blue Dogs" are not likely to vote with
Republicans on top Democratic Party issues: A Media
Matters
survey found (11/8/06) that all 27 new Democrats whose races had
been called support raising the minimum wage and changing course in Iraq, and
they oppose privatizing Social Security. Media
Matters
found only five openly described themselves as
"pro-life."



It’s not just centrist Democrats like Emanuel who are pushing journalists to
take this line: CNN anchor Rick Sanchez posed
a question (11/8/06) to National Journal
writer John Mercurio: "I heard this at least five or six times tonight from
Republicans. They say sure, these Democrats that you've elected tonight are
running as moderates. Some even sound like conservatives. They have crew cuts,
social conservatives, talk about moral issues. When they get to Washington,
they're going to find their leadership is filled with liberals. Is there really
a dysfunction there?"



Conservative New York Times columnist David
Brooks put forth a similar take (11/9/06): "On Tuesday the muscular middle
took control of America. Voters kicked out Republicans but did not swing to the
left." Brooks wrote that Democrats "will have to show they have not
been taken over by their bloggers or their economic nationalists, who will
alienate them from the suburban office park moms."



This supposed conflict between what Clift called "the demands of the
antiwar left" and "the more moderate voices that helped [House
Democrats] win control of the chamber" was a prominent theme. Baker and
VandeHei allowed how "the passion of the antiwar movement helped propel
party ctivists in this election year," but said that "the Democrats'
victory was built on the back of more centrist candidates seizing
Republican-leaning districts."



This assumption that war critics and centrists are two opposing camps is
peculiar, given that 56 percent of exit-polled voters said they opposed the war;
surely they represent the center of opinion, rather than the 42 percent who
expressed support. In any case, opposition to the war was a widespread theme
among the "more centrist candidates" who captured Republican-held
seats (TomPaine.co, 11/8/06).



The pundits' prescription for the Democrats hardly varies (Extra!,
7-8/06), so it was unsurprising to see them urging "bipartisanship"
and a move to the right. "In private talks before the election, Emanuel and
other top Democrats told their members they cannot allow the party's liberal
wing to dominate the agenda next year," Baker and Jim VandeHei reported,
citing the centrist Democrats whose analysis of the election results was nearly
identical with that of media insiders. (Rick Perlstine made a strong case on the
New Republic's website--11/8/06--that Emanuel
had less to do with the Democratic victory than did the netroots that he
despises.)



"The voters, tired of Washington's divisive ways, want to see the two
parties cooperate," wrote Newsweek's
Clift. Oddly, though, those voters had recently told Newsweek (Newsweek.co,
10/21/06) that 51 percent of them wanted impeachment to be a priority (either
high or low) of a new Democratic majority. It's likely that these people, who
wouldn't mind seeing Bush tried for high crimes and misdemeanors, aren't
particularly eager to see the representatives they sent to Washington working
with him to advance his agenda.



One thing that the new Democratic legislature must surely avoid doing, according
to the media analysts, is investigate the old Republican executive: "The
danger is that the campaign of '06 will simply continue under the name of
'government,'" wrote Dick Mayer for CBSNews.com
(11/8/06). "Many Democrats, for example, are dead set on a new round of
aggressive hearings about everything from pre-war intelligence to homeland
security to the hunt for Osama bin Laden. The theater of Grand Congressional
inquisitions is generally an enemy of statesmanship."



It's troubling, to say the least, when people in the journalism profession see
"investigation" and "inquisition" as synonymous. The New
York Times
' Robin Toner (11/8/06), who was exceptional in not seeing her
morning-after analysis as an opportunity to scold the Democratic winners, also
stood out in seeing the exercise of Congress' investigatory powers as normal and
perhaps even beneficial; of the Democratic House leaders, she wrote that
"in many ways, their greatest power will be their ability to investigate,
hold hearings and provide the oversight that they asserted was so lacking in
recent years."



Other journalists couldn't resist using their analysis of the Republicans'
political failings as a chance to get in generic smears of the Democrats.
"The outcome brought an end to the Republican Revolution that began in 1994
but lost its way," wrote Michael Duffy and Karen Tumulty for Time.com
(11/8/06), "as the party that came to Washington to cut government spending
and clean up a corrupt institution ran into scandals of its own and found itself
spending like drunken Democrats." Presumably a knowledge of political
history is a job requirement for being a political correspondent at Time;
when Duffy and Tumulty look back on the past 50 years of U.S. administrations,
do they really see it divided into spendthrift Democrats and frugal Republicans?



Suffice it to say that when Newt Gingrich and company swept into power in 1994,
no one in the mainstream media was explaining Democratic losses by saying that
the politicians who came to Washington in 1974 in response to Nixon's corruption
ended up "stealing like Republican crooks."



Tom Brokaw offered a similarly foggy history lesson on election night. "If
the Democrats do very well, will it be a huge philosophical shift? Maybe not,
because a lot of these Democrats ran to the center. They didn't run like they
were running in 1972 again. They ran as more pragmatic public servants this
time."



For the record, the party breakdown of the 93rd Congress (1973-75): 242
Democrats, 192 Republicans.

Feel free to respond to FAIR ( http://us.f345.mail.yahoo.com/ym/Compose?To=fair@fair.org
)



Monday, November 06, 2006

More GOP High-Jinks

This piece claims it's paid for by the Republican Steele for Senate campaign.
(Click on images for full-sized version):



Did you know that those guys -- Mfume, Curry, and Johnson all endorsed
Michael Steele? Well, except that they didn't.


Yet this is all designed to look like a Democratic Party flyer. And look at
the next page:



Those are all Democrats except for Ehrlich and Steele.


These guys can't win honestly, so they're trying to lie and confuse their way
through the election.

HOMO Haggard


news photo

From bodyworkformen.com



Ex-Gay Prostitute: Haggard Will Probably Emerge To Claim He's Been “Cured” Of
Homosexuality

Sunday, November 05, 2006

The Politics Of Hate


The GOP's dwindling anti-gay parade


Polls show
Americans turning their backs on the divisive politics of homosexuality. Will
hard-liners in the heartland, like Colorado's Marilyn Musgrave, be forced to
follow?

By Michael Scherer



Nov. 03, 2006 In this season of porno-themed political ads and anti-gay
marriage amendments, Colorado Rep. Marilyn Musgrave is, surprisingly, tacking in
a different direction. She no longer wants to talk in public about the
"radical homosexual agenda" and its malicious impact on the American
family. "I am running on a platform of security. Economic security. Border
security. National security," the corn-husk blond Republican announced at
the start of a candidate debate last week in Windsor.


This is a dramatic departure from the Musgrave of old, the Pentecostal mother
of four who came to politics in 1990 as a school committee member determined to
stamp out sex education. As a state legislator in Colorado, she campaigned
constantly against gay marriage and attempted to deny benefits to the same-sex
partners of state employees. In Congress, she has twice served as the chief
sponsor of a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage. "As we face the
issues we're facing today, I don't think there is anything more important than
the marriage issue," she announced, just six weeks ago, at a Washington
conference for values voters. "If we have gay marriage, our religious
liberties are gone."


But in her home district, despite its conservative pedigree, a call to arms
in the culture war no longer plays the way it once did. In recent weeks, she has
backtracked on her Washington comments, saying they were taken out of context.
At the same time, Musgrave's Democratic opponent, Angie Paccione, has gone on
the offensive, despite polls that suggest about 60 percent of the district
supports a constitutional ban on gay marriage. "Marilyn Musgrave is out of
touch," Paccione says in a recent television advertisement: "She said
that her gay-marriage agenda is the most important issue facing the United
States of America … Are you kidding me?"


The reason for this turnabout may signal a transformation of the national
debate over homosexual relationships, which have been a defining issue in recent
election cycles. Across the country, candidates who have built their careers
fighting homosexual rights now find themselves on the losing side of the polls. In Pennsylvania, Republican Sen. Rick Santorum,
who once compared gay sex to "man-on-dog" relations, appears sure to
lose his campaign for reelection. In Ohio, the polls are equally grim for Ken
Blackwell, a Republican candidate for governor, who once said gay marriage
"defies barnyard logic." In Minnesota, Republican state Sen. Michele
Bachmann, who called gay matrimony a "ticking time bomb" because
"little children would be forced to learn that homosexuality is
normal," is fighting a tight battle for an open Republican seat.


Homosexuality is not the primary issue in any of these races, but it is
notable that all of the candidates have tamped down their anti-gay rhetoric as
the election approaches. "If things go as they look like they might, in the
heartland of America voters are going to reject candidates with extremist
political positions," says Ted Trimpa, a gay political activist and
attorney in Denver who is active in Colorado politics. "What that says to
me is the pendulum has swung, that the luster of using us as a political toy has
passed."


To be sure, the victory against anti-gay politics will be incremental at
best. Eight states are poised to pass constitutional amendments that will ban
gay marriage on Tuesday, and in the South and Midwest, a growing number of
Democratic candidates have come out against gay marriage, most notably Tennessee
Senate contender Harold Ford Jr. But as Musgrave's tight race in Colorado shows,
there are clear crosscurrents that suggest Americans are no longer as interested
in politicians who use homosexuality as a wedge issue. Recently, Dick Armey, the
former GOP House majority leader, was quoted saying the religious right has
become a group of "real nasty bullies" who have distracted from the
conservative cause. A recent study by the Cato Institute argued that libertarian voters, who have sided with the
Republicans in recent years, are increasingly defecting, in part because of the
GOP's focus on social intolerance. "They have cooler feelings towards the
Christian Coalition and warmer feelings towards gays and lesbians than do other
voters," the Cato authors wrote about the libertarian vote, which is strong
in the Rocky Mountain West.


The trend can be clearly seen in Colorado, home to James Dobson's Focus on
the Family, where voters are increasingly turning to the Democratic Party and
away from the divisive politics of homosexuality. "It has sort of worn
itself out for some voters," said John Straayer, a political scientist at
Colorado State University. "I think the Democrats' success is as much
attributable to what the Republicans are doing than to what [Democrats] are
doing themselves."


As in other states, Colorado voters are expected to pass a constitutional
amendment to bar gay marriage on Tuesday. But in a sign of the times, polls
suggest voters might also pass a referendum that will give gays and lesbians all
the domestic partnership rights of heterosexual marriage.


Until recently, Colorado has been a bulwark of socially conservative
Republicanism. In 1992, a majority of Coloradans -- 54 percent -- passed
Amendment 2, a state constitutional change that prohibited laws to protect gays
and lesbians from discrimination. Though courts later threw out the law,
Colorado was dubbed "the hate state" by pundits across the country.
But since then, clear signs of moderation have swept the state. Last year,
Republican Gov. Bill Owens vetoed legislation to protect gays and lesbians
against employment discrimination on the grounds that it duplicated current law.
Still, in his veto letter, he harshly chastised members of his own party who had
likened homosexuality to an "abomination" and pedophilia. "The
discourse fell far short of what I consider to be an acceptable standard worthy
of our great state," Owens wrote. "It was, instead, marked by a coarseness and insensitivity that was simply
wrong."


More recently, retiring Rep. Joel Hefley, a Republican from Colorado Springs,
has refused to endorse his party's candidate to take his seat, in part because
the candidate, Doug Lamborn, and his supporters attacked his primary opponent
for supporting the "homosexual agenda," a tactic Hefley called
"sleazy."


Meanwhile, Democrats have been making dramatic gains in the state by focusing
on economic issues. They have been aided by the third-party campaign spending of
several wealthy liberals, including Pat Stryker, an heir to a medical equipment
fortune, and Tim Gill, an entrepreneur who founded the technology company Quark.


All of these trends have put pressure on Musgrave, who oversees the 4th
Congressional District, most of which has not voted to elect a Democrat to
Congress since the early 1970s. Stretching from the northern Rockies to
Colorado's tumbleweed-strewn southeastern plains, the district is just slightly
smaller than the state of Indiana, including everyone from Western cattle
ranchers to mountain-bound retirees who regularly pass herds of bighorn sheep on
their way to fill their prescriptions. First elected in 2002, Musgrave pulled
through a costly reelection fight in 2004 against Stan Matsunaka, a local
attorney, who began the attack against her for her focus on gay marriage.
"I just kept calling her 'one-trick pony,'" explained Matsunaka.
"We made a lot of headroom saying her heart wasn't in the district."
Liberal and gay-friendly interest groups had also sunk nearly $2 million into
the race, eating into Musgrave's natural advantage. Though President Bush won
the district with 58 percent of the vote, Musgrave scored a far narrower
51-to-45 victory over Matsunaka.


Two years later, she is locked in a tossup race with Paccione, hurt in part
by the national mood that is turning against Republicans -- President Bush's
district approval rating, according to one poll, hovers at 40 percent.
Apparently aware of her vulnerability, Musgrave has run a low-key race,
eschewing media interviews, including a request from Salon, and holding only
occasional public events. Instead of stumping for large crowds, she has relied
on a series of ubiquitous television attack ads paid for by her considerable
$2.9 million campaign war chest and the National Republican Congressional
Committee, which has committed about $1 million. The ads assault Paccione as a
liberal on immigration and taxes, and repeatedly mention the fact that Paccione
once filed for personal bankruptcy in the early 1990s.


Paccione, meanwhile, has run a spirited campaign, funded with nearly $2
million she has raised, that includes daily door-knocking and rallies. A former
professional basketball player, Paccione grew up in Brooklyn, N.Y., the daughter
of a black mother and an Italian father. At a recent campaign stop in Estes
Park, a mountain community at the western edge of the district, she rallied a
mostly retired audience by demonizing the record of her opponent and President
Bush. "How will Colorado be different in two years?" Paccione asked,
rhetorically. "We won't be embarrassed by our congresswoman."


She spoke while sitting before a large plate-glass window at a local
restaurant that framed the snowcapped mountains and a small pond where mallards
squabbled in the sun. A hundred yards away, a herd of about 50 mountain elk had
taken up residence by the road amid the ponderosa pine. When asked, Paccione
tries to downplay her own opposition to amending the state constitution to ban
same-sex marriage. Yet, she compares the need for domestic partnerships for gays
and lesbians to the 1960s struggle for civil rights: "My mom's black. My
dad is white," she says. "It wasn't until 1967 that it was legal for
them to be married across this land."


Though the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has failed to invest
heavily in the race, Paccione has been aided by two liberal independent groups,
ProgressNow and the deceptively named Coloradans for Life. But the real X-factor
in the race is a Reform Party candidate named Eric Eidsness, a registered
Republican who abandoned an early plan to challenge Musgrave in the primary. In
most polls, Eidsness scores in the mid-to-high single digits, likely dragging
more support away from Paccione than Musgrave. A former naval officer who served
in Vietnam, he presents himself as a common-sense alternative to the two
political parties.


At the Windsor debate, he objected outright to the suggestion that the
federal or state government should pass constitutional amendments to ban gay
marriage. "I will lock and load to fight a federal government [that] will
interfere with my private family decision-making and personal decisions,"
he said, "whether it's two people who have the choice of partners, or the
right of a woman to choose, even though I have a problem with the morality of
abortion." He was expressing a Western ethos, born of the plains and taken
to the mountains, a worldview that an increasing number of Coloradans appear to
embrace. Statewide polling from 2004 to 2006 consistently shows that gay
marriage is among the least important issues facing the state, pulling in just 1
or 2 percent of voters who say it is the most important issue.


When the question came to Musgrave, she was almost sheepish in her answer.
"It will come as no surprise to anyone in the room that I support
traditional marriage, the union of one man and one woman," she said.
"I think that is the ideal environment for children to be raised, and I
think we ought to be very concerned about our children." Though she had
been given a minute to respond, her answer was less than 30 seconds. She ceded
the rest of her time, apparently eager to start talking about something else.





--
By Michael Scherer



Thursday, October 19, 2006

Poland's Prime Minister Outed, As His Govt. Continues Homo-hate Campaign

Poland's Prime Minister Outed, As His Govt. Continues Homo-hate Campaign
   
New from DIRELAND, October 19
POLAND'S ANTI-GAY PRIME MINISTER OUTED,
AS HIS GOVERNMENT CONTINUES TO SPEW HOMO-HATE
Poland's homophobic Prime Minister Jaroslaw Kaczynski—the identical
twin brother of Polish President Lech Kaczynski—was outed as a
homosexual in major Polish media last week, even as his government
continued to encourage homophobia by public, homo-hating declarations
and a new anti-gay law. For all the details, click on:
http://direland. typepad.com/ direland/ 2006/10/polands_ antigay.html

__._,_.___


For News And Commentary:
 
For Florida Election News See:
 
Political Talk For And By Political Junkies
Just Rumors The Rumor Mills

Monday, October 16, 2006

Now Who's Cutting And Running

 
 
"No Democrat should be bullied by an administration that has a cut and run policy in Afghanistan, a do nothing policy in North Korea and a stand still and lose strategy in Iraq. We need to stand up to them because staying the course isn't far-sighted; it's blind. Leaving our troops in the middle of a civil war isn't resolute; it's reckless. Remember: half of the service members listed on the Vietnam Memorial Wall died after America's leaders knew our strategy would not work. It was immoral then and it would be immoral now to engage in the same delusion."
 


For News And Commentary:
 
For Florida Election News See:
 
Political Talk For And By Political Junkies
Just Rumors The Rumor Mills

Sunday, October 15, 2006

New Stem Cell Ad

Putting A Face To Stem Cell Research


Via HuffingtonPost.com, Majority Action's ad on
stem cell research:



WATCH THE AD HERE

Thursday, October 12, 2006

Debunking the Foley myth machine



A special Media Matters for America report:
debunking the Foley myth machine






Table of Contents







Democrats and their allies orchestrated the
Foley scandal as a political dirty trick


Many media outlets, without any basis whatsoever, have
repeated the charge by House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert (R-IL)
and others that Democrats or liberals are behind the Foley
scandal. The charge has appeared in various ways; some examples
include:



  • Hastert, as reported
    in the Chicago Tribune: "The people who want to see
    this thing blow up are ABC News and a lot of Democratic
    operatives, people funded by George Soros." ... "All
    I know is what I hear and what I see. I saw Bill Clinton's
    adviser, Richard Morris, was saying these guys knew about this
    all along. If somebody had this info, when they had it, we
    could have dealt with it then." At the time, Hastert
    acknowledged
    that he had no evidence to support his charge.


  • Former House Speaker Newt
    Gingrich (R-GA), who asked:
    "What if it does turn out that, in fact, this entire thing
    was rigged by liberals and Democrats, that this entire thing
    was done deliberately and methodically, and in fact, it is the
    equivalent of a large dirty trick."


  • Rep. Jack
    Kingston
    (R-GA): "Are we saying that a 15-year-old
    child would've sat on e-mails that were XXX-rated for three
    years and suddenly spring them out right on the eve of an
    election? That's just a little bit too suspicious, even for
    Washington, D.C."


  • Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-NC): As Media Matters
    noted,
    MSNBC host Chris Matthews asked McHenry if Democrats "had
    anything to do with holding information" about Foley's
    alleged communications with the former pages "and dropping
    it on ABC," the network that first publicized the story.
    McHenry replied that "I don't know that they did not,"
    and then noted that he had written a letter demanding that
    "[House Democratic Leader] Nancy Pelosi [CA] and
    [Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee chairman] Rahm
    Emanuel [IL] ... submit themselves under oath and say clearly,
    yes or no, did they have prior knowledge of the instant
    messages and/or emails." McHenry later stated that "this
    is not about Dennis Hastert" and added: "[T]he only
    question that remains is what did the Democrat [sic] leadership
    know and when did they know it?" Matthews also failed to
    challenge Kingston's statement that he "would be very
    surprised if Foley's opponent [Democratic challenger Tim
    Mahoney] knew absolutely nothing of this."



But these various charges -- that Democrats or their allies
knew about the emails and instant messages long ago and,
purposefully and in a coordinated fashion, released them to the
media in a way designed for maximum political advantage -- have
no basis. In fact, several media reports have contradicted such
charges.


An October 11 Washington Post article
undermined such charges. The Post article reported that,
beginning in November 2005, "Democrats" or a
"Democratic operative" unsuccessfully attempted to get
several news organizations -- including Harper's (in May)
and the St. Petersburg Times (in November 2005) -- to
publish the emails. The article reported that "[a] second
source emerged, however, just last month, peddling the e-mails
to several other publications, including The Post." The
article also noted that the reporter who did publish the emails
-- ABC News' Brian Ross -- "has stressed that his initial
source was a Republican," as Media Matters has also
noted.
In addition, The Hill newspaper reported
that the media received Foley's alleged emails "from a
House GOP aide" who "has been a registered Republican
since becoming eligible to vote."


Furthermore, the Post article reported that, according
to Ken Silverstein of Harper's, his " 'Democratic
operative' " source " 'was not working in concert with
the national Democratic Party' " and that " '[t]his
person was genuinely disgusted by Foley's behavior, amazed that
other publications had declined to publish stories about the
emails, and concerned that Foley might still be seeking contact
with pages.' "


As for the more explicit instant messages, the Post
reported that Ross's source for them "stressed that he is a
'staunch Republican' who 'wouldn't vote for a Democrat ever.' "
That source decided to give the messages to Ross after Ross's
September 28 report on the alleged Foley emails, the Post
reported. At that point, he told the Post, "I
decided that it was in the best interests of kids in general,
pages and my friends specifically that Foley be dealt with
quickly and swiftly so that he couldn't hurt anyone else."


The Post revealed that its source for the instant
messages was a former page and college-aged "Democratic
operative" who wants the Democrats to win control of the
House in November, but reported that "when approached by a
Post reporter about the instant messages, he was reluctant to
provide them. Days later, he did so." According the Post,
"[t]he two sources said they had conferred about the
instant messages, which they had known about for months,"
and that their source gave them the instant messages
"subsequent[]" to Ross's having received them from his
reportedly Republican source.


In addition, a Chicago Tribune article reported
that "[s]enior Republican officials contacted Hastert's
office before his news conference Thursday [October 5] to urge
that he not repeat the charges, and he backed away from them in
his news conference," as the weblog TPMmuckraker.com noted.


Nevertheless, several media outlets, including National
Public Radio
, NBC's David
Gregory
and Tim
Russert
, and ABC's George
Stephanopoulos
, have reported this allegation, without any
challenge. Notably, as Media Matters documented,
CNN repeatedly
reported
Hastert's allegations and similar charges made by other
Republicans on October 5 but did not once mention the article in
The Hill or Ross's statement.


Hastert did not learn about Foley's
alleged behavior until September 29


Several media accounts have reported, without challenge,
Hastert's initial claim that he learned of the concerns
regarding Foley's alleged behavior only on September 29, the day
that Foley resigned. But, as Media Matters documented,
Hastert later said he would not dispute the contention by Rep.
Thomas Reynolds (R-NY) that Reynolds had brought the issue to
his attention in the spring of 2006 (though Hastert claimed not
to remember the discussion), and conceded
that his aides had learned of it in late 2005. Further, several
outlets entirely ignored House Majority Leader John Boehner's
(R-OH) conflicting statements regarding whether he discussed the
problem with Hastert.


Examples
of media uncritically reporting Hastert's claim that he only
recently learned of Foley's alleged actions include October 2
reports from The New York Times, the Los Angeles
Times
, and the Associated Press. Another example
is a report by NBC News correspondent Mike Viqueira on the
October 5 edition of MSNBC's Hardball with Chris Matthews:


CHRIS MATTHEWS (host): So much of this involves: Who
do you believe? Mike, as you know, the speaker has one point of
view. He says nobody really warned me. A couple of the other
leaders said that Reynolds, of course, and Boehner said, they
did warn a staff member. He's just resigned. Said he did warn
the speaker's staff people. Why don't they go lickety-split to
the question at the top: Who's telling the truth? Why do they
take weeks to do that?

VIQUEIRA: Well, good question. You know, Hastert
has largely stuck by his story that he didn't learn about the
emails and the IMs and the rest of it until last Friday, the day
that Foley quit.
I think a lot of Republican members now are
starting to sympathize with the speaker, Chris. I'm hearing a
lot about a potential backlash -- you know the speaker brought
out the George Soros card today -- that the Democrats were after
him. He singled out ABC News.

The alleged Foley emails that House
Republicans possessed were merely "overly friendly"


Many media reports have uncritically repeated Hastert's
characterization of alleged emails between Foley and a page
sponsored by Rep. Rodney Alexander (R-LA) as merely "overly
friendly." As Media Matters has noted,
Hastert has called the alleged emails "over friendly"
to justify the House Republican leadership's failure to
investigate Foley's alleged behavior when it was first informed
of them. However, as Media Matters has noted,
the Los Angeles Times reported that experts in psychiatry
and sexual misconduct have suggested that Foley's alleged emails
go well beyond "overly friendly"; for example, one
psychiatry expert told the Times that "they do in
fact raise a red flag." In addition, as Media Matters
has documented,
several conservatives and Republicans have objected to Hastert's
characterization of the emails as "over friendly" and
have argued that they should have provoked deeper scrutiny from
House Republican leaders when they first came to light.


But news reports have uncritically relayed Hastert's
terminology for the emails. For example, Fox News chief
political correspondent Carl Cameron reported
on the October 4 edition of Fox News' Special Report with
Brit Hume
:


CAMERON: Reynolds says he acted appropriately,
alerting superiors in the spring when he learned of Foley's
overly friendly emails to former pages
, then Friday, when he
learned of the salacious communication and demanded Foley's
resignation.

Another example
is a report by NBC's Mike Taibbi on the October 2 broadcast of
NBC's Today:


TAIBBI: At least five Republican house members did
know ahead of time, some nearly a year ago, about emails
described as "over-friendly" that Foley sent a
16-year-old male page, though not about any overtly sexual
messages.

The Foley scandal has not affected voters
or congressional races


Some media outlets, such as CNN, The New York Times,
and The Washington Post, have reported without challenge
Republican claims that the Foley scandal has not affected voters
or congressional races, as Media Matters documented.
In fact, at this point, several public opinion polls indicate
that the Foley scandal could be hurting Republicans. A CBS/New
York Times
poll
conducted October 5-8 found that 13 percent of independent
voters, and 21 percent of all voters, said the Foley scandal had
made them more likely to vote Democratic. An AP/Ipsos poll
conducted October 2-4 found that 66 percent of respondents said
that the "recent disclosures of corruption and scandal in
Congress" would be at least "moderately important"
to their "vote in November," with 48 percent
indicating it would be "very" or "extremely"
important. The poll also found that 62 percent of respondents
were either "dissatisfied" or "angry" with
"the Republican leadership in Congress." The AP poll
had a margin of error of +/- 2.8 percent. Similarly, an October
5 Time magazine poll
found that a "quarter" of respondents "say the
affair makes them less likely to vote for Republican candidates
in their districts come November," and that "[t]wo-thirds
of Americans aware of the lurid e-mails set [sic] to
congressional pages by a G.O.P congressman believe Republican
leaders tried to cover up the scandal."


While three recent
polls
-- ABC News/Washington Post, CBS News/New
York Times
, and Newsweek -- have shown no change
outside the margin of error on whether respondents would vote
for a Democratic or Republican congressional candidate in
November, two other recent polls showed large shifts toward
Democrats. A USA
Today
/Gallup
poll conducted October 6-8 found that
Democrats had made significant gains among likely voters since
the Gallup poll last month. While Democrats and Republicans were
tied at 48 percent in Gallup's September 15-17 poll, that has
now shifted to a 23-point advantage for Democrats, 59 percent to
36 percent. Similarly, a CNN
poll
conducted October 6-8 found that, among likely voters,
Democrats led Republicans 58 percent to 37 percent; by contrast,
a CNN
poll
conducted as the Foley scandal broke, on September
29-October 2, had Democrats leading Republicans 53 percent to 42
percent.


In addition, the Foley scandal appears to be affecting some
individual races. For example, one member of the House
leadership, Rep. Tom Reynolds (R-NY), appears to have lost
ground since the scandal broke. While a September 28 SurveyUSA
poll
had Reynolds ahead of his Democratic challenger, Jack
Davis, 45 percent to 43 percent, SurveyUSA's October
5 poll
of the race has Davis leading, 50 percent to 45
percent. While the margins of error for these polls were plus or
minus 4.5 points and 4.6 points, respectively, the trend toward
Davis appears to be supported by another recent poll in the
district, a Zogby International poll
conducted for The Buffalo News and released on October 7.
In that poll, Reynolds trailed Davis 48 percent to 33 percent.


Hastert and the GOP leadership forced
Foley to resign after they learned of the lurid instant messages


Several media figures have uncritically reported that Hastert
and the GOP leadership forced Foley to resign from Congress
after they heard of his alleged sexually explicit instant
messages with underage pages. For example, as Media Matters
noted,
in an October 3 entry
on the National Review Online's weblog The Corner, National
Review
White House correspondent Byron York uncritically
noted Hastert's claim
on the October 3 Rush Limbaugh Show that "[w]e took
care of Mr. Foley" and that "[w]e ... asked him to
resign." But, a day earlier, when asked in a press
conference "whether the leadership asked Foley to resign,"
Hastert had responded: "I think Foley resigned almost
immediately upon the outbreak of this information, and so we
really didn't have a chance to ask him to resign."


The claim that Hastert and the Republican leadership forced
Foley to resign has recently gone unchallenged in several media
venues, despite the contradictions in Hastert's own account. For
example, on the October 6 edition of NBC's Nightly News with
Brian Williams
, NBC News correspondent Chip Reid
uncritically reported Rep. Adam Putnam's (R-FL) claim
that the House leadership "acted aggressively and within
hours -- within hours of the explicit emails coming to light,
they demanded Foley's resignation." Putnam was presumably
referring to the sexually explicit instant messages Foley
allegedly sent to an underage former page, because Hastert's
office reportedly knew of the emails by at least February 2006.
From the October 8 edition of NBC's Nightly News Weekend
Edition
:


REID: But Republican Adam Putnam says there's only
one culprit: Foley himself.

PUTNAM [clip from ABC News' This Week]: The
speaker's office acted proactively. They acted aggressively and
within hours -- within hours of the explicit emails coming to
light, they demanded Foley's resignation.

REID: Putnam appeared on the show because of the
Foley scandal, sitting in for Congressman Tom Reynolds, head of
the Republican campaign committee. He's in upstate New York
struggling to hold on to his job.

Gay men are more likely than heterosexual
men to sexually abuse children


As Media Matters has documented,
during an appearance on MSNBC's Hardball with Chris Matthews,
Family Research Council president Tony Perkins used the Foley
scandal to promote a falsehood about gay men -- that they are
more likely than straight men to sexually abuse children, based
on the claim that gay men are overrepresented in child sex-abuse
cases. In fact, a 1995 study
released by the American Psychological Association found that
"gay men are no more likely than heterosexual men to
perpetrate child sexual abuse." The argument that gay men
are overrepresented in such cases is based on what John Hopkins
University psychiatrist Frederick Berlin has described
as the "flawed assumption" that men who abuse young
boys are also attracted to grown men.


Kirk Fordham's claim that Hastert's
office was told about Foley before 2005 is uncorroborated


Recently, former Foley chief of staff Kirk Fordham asserted
that he told Hastert of Foley's alleged behavior long before
2005, an accusation denied by Hastert chief of staff Scott
Palmer. Some media reports have presented Fordham's accusation
and Palmer's denial in a "he said, she said" manner,
such as an October 16 article
in Time magazine, ignoring the evidence that it is
Fordham who is telling the truth. But as Media Matters
noted,
an unnamed current Republican congressional staffer recently
came forth to corroborate Fordham's account, according to
October 7 reports by various news outlets, including The
Washington Post
and The
New York Times
. An October 8 Times article
further reported that Fordham's attorney stated Fordham is
prepared to testify under oath before the House ethics committee
that Fordham arranged a meeting with Palmer "as early as
2003" ("2003 or earlier," according to the
October 7 Post article) to discuss Foley's alleged
contacts with underage congressional pages.


Speaker Hastert "took
responsibility" for the Foley scandal


Numerous media outlets have reported that, at his October 5
press conference, Hastert "took responsibility" for
the Foley scandal even though, as Media Matters has
noted,
Hastert also stated at the same press conference that "I
haven't done anything wrong, obviously."


For example, separate October 7 New York Times
articles
by reporters Adam
Nagourney
and Carl
Hulse
uncritically reported Hastert's claim, as did ABC News
chief Washington correspondent George Stephanopoulos, who stated
the following during an appearance on the October
5 edition
of ABC's World News with Charles Gibson:


CHARLES GIBSON (anchor): And we're gonna bring in
now our chief Washington correspondent, George Stephanopoulos.
George, I used the phrase that the speaker was working at damage
control. So, there's been a lot of damage this week. Did he
control it?

STEPHANOPOULOS: I think he was pretty effective
today, Charlie, and I guess President Bush must have thought so,
too, because he called him for the first time. By
apologizing, accepting responsibility, getting statements of
support from his fellow leaders and promising to fix the
problem
, he lays the groundwork for a political defense, and
that ethics committee investigation gives all other Republicans
a reason to say Hastert can stay for now, they can wait until
the investigation is done.

Conservative evangelical voters are
particularly outraged by Foley scandal


Many media reports have suggested that conservative
Christians are likely to be particularly outraged by the Foley
scandal. But as Media Matters noted,
this suggestion is based on a dubious assumption: that
conservative Christian voters -- so-called "family values"
voters -- are more concerned than others with protecting
children, and therefore will condemn more harshly than others
allegations of a cover-up of alleged predatory behavior toward
children. Even veteran Republican pollster Matthew Dowd has
stated that "[i]t's not just the voters who care about
'family values' who might be driven away" by the Foley
scandal.


Nonetheless, Media Matters documented
many media reports suggesting that Christian conservatives will
be particularly upset by the Foley scandal, including:



  • Newsweek columnist
    Howard Fineman stated that the "Foley story is aimed right
    at" those "evangelical Bible-believing Christians"
    who have strongly supported Republicans in the past. (MSNBC's
    Countdown, 10/3/06)


  • CNN anchor Carol Lin reported that the "scandal is
    infuriating religious conservatives. But will they express that
    anger with their vote 30 days from now?" (CNN Newsroom,
    10/8/06)



Upon learning of emails, House
Republican leadership or Rep. Shimkus told Foley to end all
contact with pages


Media reports have also falsely claimed that House
Republicans privately told Foley in the spring of 2006 to stop
all contact with congressional pages. For example, Wall
Street Journal
OpinionJournal.com assistant editor Brendan
Miniter falsely
asserted
in his October 3 column
that upon "look[ing] at the few emails" Foley had
allegedly written to one former page, Rep. John Shimkus (R-IL),
chairman of the House Page Board, decided "to confront Mr.
Foley and tell him to cut off all direct contact with underage
pages." As Media Matters noted,
Shimkus limited his warning to Foley only to the specific page
in question, telling Foley "to cease all contact with this
former House Page," according to a statement published on
Shimkus's website.
In his statement, Shimkus also asserted that he and "the
then Clerk of the House, who manages the Page Program," had
advised Foley "to be especially mindful of his conduct with
respect to current and former House Pages," but nowhere in
his statement did he say that he or anyone else told Foley to
"cut off all direct contact with underage pages."


An October 2 Washington Post article
headlined "FBI to Examine Foley's E-mails" also
falsely
reported
that Foley was told to "leave pages alone."


CREW withheld emails and other
information from FBI, congressional leaders


Several conservatives have recently accused Citizens for
Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW), a nonpartisan,
nonprofit organization, of withholding information from the FBI
in order to preserve the scandal until closer to the midterm
elections. As Media Matters noted,
the accusation arose from reports that CREW sent to the FBI in
July copies
of the emails Foley allegedly sent to an underage former
congressional page. Anonymous Justice Department sources claimed
that the copies of the emails CREW sent to the FBI were
incomplete and heavily redacted; that CREW refused to comply
with requests for further information; and that the FBI did
investigate the emails, but determined that there was not enough
to evidence suggest a criminal act.


However, as Media Matters noted,
the FBI has contradicted itself on these allegations. For
example, the FBI claimed that it did not pursue the Foley case
after receiving the emails because CREW refused to provide
enough information. However, the FBI also claimed that it did
investigate the emails and found that they did not indicate that
a crime had been committed.


Despite this, media outlets have uncritically reported the
anonymous sources' accusations against CREW, without challenge.
As Media Matters documented,
CNN justice correspondent Kelli Arena's October 4 report --
which first aired on The Situation Room, and re-aired
several more times on October 4 and 5 -- failed to note the
FBI's disputed claims that CREW redacted the Foley emails and
refused the FBI's request for more information, instead
reporting: "Now, the FBI is refusing comment. But
government officials insist that the FBI did investigate. In
fact, they say that three squads looked at the emails. A public
corruption squad, a criminal squad, and then finally a cyber
squad. Now, we're told that agents determined at the time there
wasn't enough evidence to suggest any criminal activity."


As Media Matters has noted,
although CREW brought the emails to the FBI's attention, Fox
News host Sean Hannity baselessly accused CREW on the October 5
edition of Fox News' Hannity & Colmes of
"prioritiz[ing] partisan politics over the safety and
security of children." During the same program, U.S.
News & World Report
senior writer Michael Barone stated
that CREW "would also have been wise to turn [the emails]
over to ... the House Page Committee," even though the
House leadership reportedly learned of the emails long before
CREW did.


A "velvet mafia" on Capitol
Hill knew of Foley's alleged behavior and protected him from
public exposure


Media accounts have also suggested that a cadre of gay
congressional staffers protected Foley from exposure. For
example, writing in the October 16 issue of Time
magazine, national political correspondent Karen Tumulty
uncritically reported
that according to "a whisper campaign [that] has been
launched in Washington," former Foley chief of staff Kirk
Fordham may have been one of the "gay staff members"
belonging to "a 'velvet mafia' at the upper levels of
G.O.P. leadership" that sought to protect Foley.


But as Media Matters noted,
Fordham has claimed that he sought to alert Hastert's office to
Foley's alleged behavior at least three years ago, and an
unnamed current Republican congressional staffer recently came
forth to corroborate Fordham's account.










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